Statement on Sino-Tibetan Dialogue by the Kashag

• Address of Kalon Tempa Tsering, Kalon for the Department of Information and International Relations (DIIR), on the Current Status of Negotiations on the Issue of Tibet (Gurgaon, 19 November 2006)
• Address of Kalon Tripa Prof. Samdhong Rinpoche at the 4th World Parliamentarians' Convention on Tibet (Edinburgh, 18 November 2005)
• Address of Kalon Tripa Prof. Samdhong Rinpoche at the European Parliament (Brussels, 14 November 2002)
• For more statements of the Kashag, click here:

Address of Kalon Tempa Tsering, Kalon for the Department of Information and International Relations (DIIR), on the Current Status of Negotiations on the Issue of Tibet at the beginning of the two-day International Conference of Autonomous Region for Tibet held at Gurgaon, India, on 19 November 2006

Introduction

I am delighted to be given this opportunity to discuss the current status of our dialogue with the Chinese leadership on the future status of Tibet. Since we renewed our contacts with Beijing in 2002, the envoys of His Holiness the Dalai Lama have had five rounds of substantive discussions with the concerned Chinese officials, the latest being in February this year. His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Central Tibetan Administration put a lot in store in these contacts, which we hope will eventually lead to negotiations that will fulfill the reasonable aspirations of the Tibetan people and meet the concerns and interests of the People’s Republic of China.

During these five rounds of discussions we have had with the Chinese leaders, we had the opportunity to explain to them in great detail the Middle-Way Approach of His Holiness the Dalai Lama in resolving the issue of Tibet. We have explained to the Chinese leaders that the Middle-Way Approach, as His Holiness the Dalai Lama has repeatedly said so many times publicly, does not seek independence for Tibet. The Middle-Way Approach works towards the whole of Tibet, inhabited by six million Tibetans, enjoying meaningful autonomy under one administrative unit within the constitutional framework of the People's Republic of China.

We have informed the Chinese leaders that these core demands of the Tibetan people, the whole of Tibet coming together under one administrative entity freely exercising meaningful autonomy has been positively considered by successive Chinese leaders from the time of Mao. All Chinese leaders when approached with the Tibetan demand for one administrative entity for the whole of Tibet said that this issue could be discussed later. In 1979, when Deng invited Mr. Gyalo Thondup to Beijing, the paramount Chinese leader told His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s elder brother that except independence, everything else could be discussed and resolved.

It was in this spirit that His Holiness the Dalai Lama in subsequent years made public his solution to the issue of Tibet. The Middle-Way Approach is outlined in two documents. One is the Five-Point Peace Plan announced at the Congressional Human Rights Caucus in Washington, DC in 1987. The other is the Strasbourg Proposal announced before the European Parliament in 1988.

The principal idea behind both these documents is the desire of His Holiness the Dalai Lama that the Tibetan people must be empowered to preserve and expand upon Tibet’s precious spiritual traditions, which is of benefit to the whole of humankind, including the Chinese people. In order to do this, the Tibetan people, inhabiting the whole of the Tibetan plateau, which is one geographic and composite ecological unit, must be given sufficient political freedom to ensure the continued survival and integrity of a unique civilization.

This is the spirit of the Middle-Way Approach, which works towards the cultural survival of the Tibetan people. However, in order to survive as a distinct culture, the Tibetan people must be given sufficient political freedoms to perform this responsibility.

Brief History and the 17-Point Agreement

In order to understand the evolution of the thinking behind the Middle-Way Approach, let me very briefly dwell on Tibet's recent and sad history.

The status of the Tibetan people as a distinct population, with their own language, religion and culture is undisputed, even from the Chinese point of view. In fact, the Tibetan struggle over the past half a century has been, in a way, a struggle to preserve our way of life, our rich spiritual tradition and our cultural and ethnic identity.

In 1950, when the People's Liberation Army stepped up military aggression over Tibet, the Tibetan government agreed to resolve the crisis through negotiation, leading to the 17-Point Peaceful Agreement of 23 May 1951.

The 17 clauses of the Agreement"which was in essence, "the first historical case of one-country, two systems""declared that Tibet would become a part of Chinese territory and that Beijing would handle the defense and foreign affairs of Tibet. On the other hand, in addition to guaranteeing Tibetan people's freedom of religion and culture, the Agreement pledged that China "will not alter the existing political system in Tibet" or "the established status, functions and powers of the Dalai Lama".

Although the 17-Point Agreement was not reached on an equal footing or through mutual consent, His Holiness the Dalai Lama continued to abide by the terms of the Agreement, and made all possible efforts to achieve a peaceful, negotiated settlement with the Chinese government for eight years since 1951. However, after the Chinese army unleashed a harsh military crackdown on the popular Tibetan uprising, the Dalai Lama was compelled to seek refuge in India and work in exile.

Deng Xiaoping's New Approach to the Issue of Tibet

A degree of optimism was generated after the death of Mao Zedong and the downfall of the Gang of Four, as Deng Xiaoping took over the reigns of Chinese leadership, and ushered a period of political reform. In 1979, Deng initiated a proposal to the exile Tibetan Administration, saying that "except independence, all other issues can be resolved through negotiations." Deng also invited the exile Tibetans to visit their homeland and see the actual situation for themselves.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama responded positively to this gesture by sending four fact-finding delegations to Tibet and two exploratory teams to China. The Tibetan people's overwhelming response to the delegates left China in no doubt that His Holiness the Dalai Lama was the spirit of Tibet. On the other hand, His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan Administration continued to make sincere efforts to develop closer contact and better understanding with the Chinese government, by taking several confidence-building steps and initiatives, such as wanting to send qualified young teachers to teach in schools to improve the educational standard of schools in Tibet.

Beijing's response, unfortunately, came in the form of a "Five-point Policy towards the Dalai Lama", which asked the Dalai Lama and members of the exile Tibetan Administration to return home. The Dalai Lama, it said, should live in China, and was promised the "same political status and living conditions as he had before 1959". Similarly, the members of the exile government were promised jobs and living conditions that were "better than before". In brief, the issue of Tibet was reduced merely to that of the personal status of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the exile Tibetans.

Despite Beijing's reluctance to resolve the issue through dialogue, His Holiness the Dalai Lama remained steadfast in seeking a peaceful resolution on the basis of what Deng proposed and his own Middle-Way Approach. But, the viable option now was to turn to the support of the international community. Speaking at the US Congressional Human Rights Caucus, on 21 September 1987, His Holiness the Dalai Lama announced his Five-point Peace Plan for Tibet. In which, he asked for:

• Transformation of the whole of Tibet into a zone of peace;
• Abandonment of China's population transfer policy;
• Respect for the Tibetan people's fundamental human rights and democratic
freedoms;
• Restoration and protection of Tibet's natural environment and the abandonment of China’s use of Tibet for the production of nuclear weapons and dumping of nuclear waste; and
• Commencement of earnest negotiations on the future status of Tibet and on relations between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples.

Addressing members of the European Parliament in Strasbourg, on 15 June 1988, His Holiness declared that he was willing to forego the idea of restoration of an independent Tibet in return for meaningful and genuine autonomy for a reunified Tibet.

The essence of His Holiness the Dalai Lama's Middle-Way Approach is that it does not seek independence. Nor does it accept the present status of Tibet. His Holiness the Dalai Lama's approach seeks to resolve the issue of Tibet within the constitutional framework of the PRC.

Some salient components of His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s Middle-Way Approach are:

1. Without seeking independence for Tibet, the Tibetan Administration strives for the creation of a political entity comprising the three traditional provinces of Tibet;
2. Such an entity should enjoy a status of genuine national regional autonomy;
3. This autonomy should be governed by the popularly-elected legislature and executive through a democratic process and should have an independent judicial system;
4. As soon as the above status is agreed upon by the Chinese government, Tibet would not seek separation from, and remain within, the People's Republic of China;
5. Until the time Tibet is transformed into a zone of peace and non-violence, the Chinese government can keep a limited number of armed forces in Tibet for its protection;
6. The Central Government of the People's Republic of China has the responsibility for the political aspects of Tibet's international relations and defence, whereas the Tibetan people should manage all other affairs pertaining to Tibet, such as religion and culture, education, economy, health, ecological and environmental protection;
7. The Chinese government should stop its policy of human rights violations in Tibet and the transfer of Chinese population into Tibetan areas;
8. To resolve the issue of Tibet, His Holiness the Dalai Lama shall take the main responsibility of sincerely pursuing negotiations and reconciliation with the Chinese government.

Renewed Contacts

Direct relation was resumed after a decade-long deadlock, when the Chinese government agreed to receive His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s envoys charged with the responsibilities of renewing contact and dialogue with the Chinese leadership. Thus, in September 2002, two envoys of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, with two senior assistants, were able to visit Beijing. Since then, five rounds of dialogue have been held between the representatives of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Chinese government. In fact, the fifth round of meeting took place from 15 to 23 February this year.

The recent talks further reinforced the fact that apart from lack of trust and misconception prevailing on both sides, major differences continue to remain on a number of issues. Some differences are on fundamental issues, like the definition of Tibet. Since the historical status of Tibet is complex, His Holiness the Dalai Lama believes that it is better not to get bogged down in history and the different interpretations of history. The Tibetan people’s demand for the status of genuine regional national autonomy to all the Tibetan-inhabited areas is based not on Tibet’s history but the constitution of the People's Republic of China. In other words, it is based on the principle of self-governance and equality for all nationalities, as guaranteed in the constitution of the PRC. The administration of all the Tibetan people in a single autonomous unit is uncompromisable and indispensable for the preservation of Tibetan identity, since all Tibetans, in and outside of the so-called Tibet Autonomous Region, share a common language, religion and culture. Such an arrangement will also help realize peaceful co-existence and harmony between Tibetans and all other nationalities. It is not a question of greater or smaller Tibet, but the implementation of the principle of the regional national autonomy as enshrined in the constitution of the PRC.

Apart from preserving the Tibetan identity, a unified autonomous region for the entire Tibetan people, we believe, will also enable the Tibetan people to achieve economic self-sufficiency. This in fact is not a new proposition. Prominent Tibetans who have worked under the Chinese authorities have mooted the compelling need for a single and united Tibetan administrative unit. Prominent Chinese leaders have also endorsed the unification of Tibetan people into a single administrative unit.

In our considered judgment, the Chinese leaders must have the confidence to realize the wisdom of His Holiness the Dalai Lama's Middle-Way Approach. The Tibetan people enjoying the fruits of China’s dazzling economic development in an atmosphere of freedom and tolerance will go a long way in bringing social stability and peace to China, which is in accord with President Hu Jintao’s efforts to construct a "harmonious society" in China.

Chinese People's Reaction

Many Chinese scholars and writers in the Mainland and outside have urged the Chinese leaders to positively review the Middle-Way Approach proposed by His Holiness the Dalai Lama and make this the basis for a negotiated status for the future of Tibet. The most articulate of these commentators is Wang Lixiong, a writer based in Beijing, who has a deep understanding of the issue of Tibet. He has written several books on the issue of Tibet, including Tibet: The Soft Underbelly of China, Unlocking Tibet and many essays, all which point to his perception that His Holiness the Dalai Lama is the key to unlock the issue of Tibet.

Wei Jingsheng, considered the father of Chinese democracy for advocating that democracy will be the answer to many of China’s ills and jailed for many years for his pains, has pointed out to successive Chinese leaders for the need to resolve the issue of Tibet with His Holiness the Dalai Lama. He was followed by a succession of Chinese writers and scholars on the Mainland, who either individually or in groups, have petitioned Chinese leaders on the need to resolve the issue with His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

The new interest in Tibet among Chinese on the Mainland and their growing appreciation of the value of Tibet's spiritual heritage is an indicative that any settlement of the issue of Tibet based on His Holiness the Dalai Lama's Middle-Way Approach will enjoy the broad support and the goodwill of the Chinese people.

Conclusion

Although we are disappointed by the lack of positive response from the Chinese side to His Holiness the Dalai Lama's conciliatory approach to resolving the issue of Tibet, but we are encouraged by the growing international interest and support in the resolution of the Tibetan issue as consistently proposed by His Holiness the Dalai Lama during the past almost three decades. We hope that the experts on different autonomous arrangements who are gathered here will come up with imaginative ideas for an autonomous Tibet for the six million Tibetan people that fulfill the just aspirations of the Tibetan people and also be able to convey to the Chinese leadership that genuine autonomy works and greatly benefit all the concerned if it is put into practice with all sincerity and honesty by all the concerned.

Address of Kalon Tripa Prof. Samdhong Rinpoche at the 4th World Parliamentarians' Convention on Tibet, (Edinburgh, 18 November 2005)

Dear friends,

On behalf of the Kashag of the Central Tibetan Administration of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, I would like to welcome and thank you all for sparing your precious time to attend this convention.

This convention comes at a critical period in the history of the Tibetan people. His Holiness the Dalai Lama often describes the present period as the one that will make or break the spirit of the Tibetan people and that of Tibet’s spiritual and cultural heritage. This is because the Tibetan people are presented with new opportunities and daunting new challenges.

On the bright side, since 2002 we have managed to re-establish contacts with the Chinese authorities. On our part, we are making every effort to maintain and expand these contacts in our sincere attempt to resolve the issue of Tibet peacefully on the basis of His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s Middle-Way Approach.

The Middle-Way Approach recommends that the whole of Tibet be granted genuine autonomy. In return the six million Tibetan people will be happy to live within the constitutional framework of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). This is the position of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the aspiration of the vast majority of the Tibetan people.

In order to resolve the issue of Tibet on the basis of His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s Middle-Way Approach, the Central Tibetan Administration has made every effort within our power to create a conducive atmosphere for negotiations and taken a series of confidence-building measures. We are pleased that the Chinese authorities have taken note of these positive steps. We will continue to take these steps till the issue of Tibet is resolved through a negotiated settlement.

Though Mr. Kelsang Gyaltsen, a senior member of His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s delegation engaged with the PRC leaders, will brief you in detail on our contacts with the PRC leadership, I would like to acknowledge the open and frank attitude of the PRC representatives. We especially appreciate the comments made by them during the last round of talks held in Berne in Switzerland in July 2005 that the PRC central leadership attached great importance to the contact with His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

On our part, during the talks we have both in writing and verbally explained to the PRC leadership all the concerns raised by them. Much to the anger of the worldwide Tibet movement, the Kashag has taken the extremely unpopular decision of requesting the Tibet Support Groups, the Tibetan people in exile and NGOs to avoid provocative actions and slogans and not to engage in personally confronting the visiting Chinese leaders abroad with agitation. Much to the dismay of a section of the Tibetan, at official functions, we have banned the singing of songs that fuel nationalistic anger and anti-Chinese sentiments. These are some of the measures that we have taken to create a conducive atmosphere for negotiations. They are an indication of both our seriousness and sincerity in peacefully resolving the protracted issue of Tibet and in restoring to the long-suffering people of Tibet the dignity and happiness they so richly deserve.

We believe PRC has an historic opportunity to grasp the hand of friendship extended by His Holiness the Dalai Lama. The ability of PRC to view His Holiness the Dalai Lama as its most effective ally and a trusted partner in its continuing search for social peace and legitimacy in Tibet will rebound enormously in enhancing China’s international image. This will especially be true in the eyes of those millions in Asia whose lives and the lives of their ancestors have been enriched by Tibetan civilization and now in the eyes of millions around the world who look to His Holiness the Dalai Lama for guidance and inspiration.

We hope to accomplish this with the continuing support, guidance and commitment of our friends in the legislative bodies around the world. The fact that PRC has renewed its contacts with His Holiness the Dalai Lama is due to the counsel offered to the PRC leaders by government and legislative leaders around the world. We hope your support and commitment on this critical area of our contacts with the PRC leaders will continue.

We feel that the aspiration of the Tibetan people as articulated in the Middle-Way Approach are most reasonable and within the constitutional provision of the People’s Republic of China. PRC’s willingness to settle the issue of Tibet on the basis of the Middle-Way Approach will contribute to peace and stability and will enhance the image of PRC.

At this point it is important for us to clarify one fundamental nature of the Tibetan people’s struggle, which is a struggle for the future of the six million Tibetan people. It is not a struggle for the restoration of the lost privileges of His Holiness the Dalai Lama or his traditional government.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama has repeatedly stated that once he returns to Tibet in a manner that meets the aspirations of the majority of the Tibetan people, he would hand over his inherent powers to a duly elected local government of Tibet. Once this happens, the Central Tibetan Administration in exile would automatically be dissolved and the affairs of Tibetan will be looked after by the same Tibetan officials who are currently working in Tibet.

In his latest interview which appeared in an Indian national daily, His Holiness the Dalai Lama said, "When the day comes for our return with a certain degree of freedom, then I will hand over all my authority to the local Tibetan government. Hopefully, that local government should eventually be an elected government."

Friends, I must once again remind you in a nutshell the objectives and the nature of our struggle. We do not perceive the problem of Tibet as an isolated problem for the Tibetan people alone or a struggle between just two nations, namely China and Tibet. The Chinese and Tibetans lived as neighbors since time immemorial. Our relations had been fluctuating all the time, as friends, as relatives, as enemies, but at not time such deep problem as we are facing for the last more than fifty years, had never happened. The present problem, as we see it, is a symptom of a larger human malady which perpetuated in the modern world. It is therefore we shall have to search the remedy also at a larger plan, at the level of all human societies. Our conflict is neither a conflict of political ideology nor for political powers. It is neither fight for territory nor a struggle between nationalities. The Tibetan people do not ask neither separation nor larger share of political or economic p! ower. Our soul objective is to retain the identity of Tibetan people as non-violent society in order to preserve and promote the unique Tibetan cultural and spiritual heritage in order to share it with all human beings. The essence of Middle-Way Approach is to achieve the required basic freedom and human dignity for all the Tibetan nationalities in order to enable them to perform efficiently their universal responsibility which is impossible under the present situation.

If PRC authorities have a political will, our above-mentioned aspiration can be easily fulfilled by implementing the provision enshrined in the Constitution of PRC for National Regional Autonomy with all sincerity. By this the people of Tibet will able to contribute their part for the humanity and emotionally integrated with PRC, by which will make real unity and stability for the PRC.

To achieve this objective, we are fully committed to non-violence means. The present major problems of humanity including problems facing PRC are of 'Violence'. Unless the violence is eradicated, none of the human problems, national or international, can be resolved on a sustainable basis. Keeping in view the objectives and the methods mentioned above, our struggle is a struggle between truth and falsehood, justice and injustice, violence and non-violence. The world community has well recognized the nature of our movement and therefore supported it voluntarily without any expectations. In spite of that we are not yet able to convince the PRC leadership and they always accuse us and His Holiness for being "Separatist". In spite of our consistent policy of Middle-Way adopted for last 26 years, PRC continues to accuse us of being "Separatist". Sometimes, we begin to doubt that the PRC leadership wants us to remain "Separatist" and want us to continue to work for "separation" in order to meet some of their internal political requirements.

My one-pointed request to you all, Ladies and Gentlemen, is that through your legislative bodies, through your government and through the individual friends of PRC leadership, to kindly educate, persuade and encourage to give up the unfounded doubts and suspicion upon His Holiness and his administration. And to begin a meaningful negotiation with His Holiness without losing any time.

The marginalisation of Tibetan inside Tibet, demographically, economically and politically has endangered the very survival of the Tibetan identity. Each passing day, the marginalisation increases by leaps and bounds. Therefore, time is running out. Tibet must be saved before its extinction.

In conclusion, my colleagues in the Kashag join me in expressing our deep appreciation to your presence and participation in this convention. It is an indication of your support to and solidarity with the just and non-violent struggle of the Tibetan people.

I am particulary encouraged by the strong Indian delegation from All Party Parliamentary Group for Tibet. In fact, the inception of WPCT is brainchild of the All Parliamentary Group of Indian Parliament in 1994. Today, when I am in your midst, the memory of the late Shri Madhu Limay comes to my mind again and over again. He took great personal interest in organising All Party Parliamentary Group in the Indian Parliament and also in convening the first WPCT in New Delhi. I also remember the hard work done by Shri George Fernandes and Shri Mohan Singh, who were conveners of WPCT at that time.

In fact, the issue of Tibet as well as the cultural heritage of Tibet still survived in exile is mainly due to generous and continued support of government and the people of India. I would urge all the participants of this Convention as well as all the sympathisers of Tibet all over the world to recognise and acknowledge it.

I would also like to thank the Assembly of the Tibetan People’s Deputies for initiating this fourth World Parliamentarians’ Convention on Tibet. The Central Tibetan Administration would like to express our deep appreciation to the Government of United Kingdom for permitting us to hold this convention. We would also like to express our gratitude to both the Scottish Cross Party Parliamentary Group for Tibet and the UK Parliamentary Group for Tibet for stepping in to actually organise this convention at such a short time.

Address of Kalon Tripa Prof. Samdhong Rinpoche at the European Parliament (Brussels, 14 November 2002)

Mr. Chairman, Honourable members of Parliament and dear friends of Tibet,

This conference is a timely initiative by the Tibet Inter-Group of the European Parliament, the International Campaign for Tibet, Europe, and our small Office here in Brussels. I wish to express our heart-felt thanks to the members of the Tibet Inter-Group of the European Parliament, its President Mr. Thomas Mann as well as to the staff of the International Campaign for Tibet, Europe, and to our officials in Brussels for organising this conference.

It is a great honour for me to address this conference on Tibet by members of the European Parliament and by national parliamentarians and representatives of non-governmental organisations from a many European countries. I am grateful to the organisers and you all for giving me this honour and opportunity to share some of my thoughts with you. As a democratically elected servant of the Tibetan people, my Kashag and I have a tremendous responsibility to tackle the grave situation of Tibet, which appears to be an almost impossible task. Yet we are trying to shoulder this responsibility with courage, unshakeable faith and total commitment to the truth, the non-violence and the genuine democratic system. We draw strength and inspiration from the enlightened leadership of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and selfless and unceasing sincere support of the international community. I need not dwell in the present situation of Tibet and the Tibetan people as you all are well aware of our situation. The Tibetan cause has a strong base of support in Europe. In almost every European country there exist Tibet support groups. People throughout Europe feel deeply committed to the Tibetan cause as a matter of moral principle. They welcome their governments taking initiatives to promote a just and peaceful solution to the Tibetan problem. Consequently, the European Parliament and most national parliaments in Europe consistently express deep concern for the plight of the Tibetan people and call for negotiations between the government of the Peoples Republic of China and His Holiness the Dalai Lama or his representatives to resolve the issue of Tibet. The European Parliament and other national parliaments in Europe have adopted a number of significant resolutions to that effect. Together, the widespread sympathy for Tibet of the European public and the large number of resolutions on Tibet passed by parliaments in Europe present a clear mandate to the European governments as well as to the European Council and Commission to take the initiative on Tibet. I believe this is a crucial moment to help resolve the long-standing problem of Tibet peacefully. A number of major political factors are coming together in China promising the coming years to be a period of historic change. It is, therefore, also a time to act on Tibet.

The present Chinese hard-line policy on Tibet is counterproductive and only exacerbates the Tibet problem. This hard-line policy consists of increasing political and religious repression, unleashing the forces of the market economy that attract hundreds of thousands of unemployed Chinese workers to Tibet who contribute to cementing Chinese rule and initiating a huge public relations campaign to white-wash human rights abuses in Tibet. The premises of this policy is based on the mistaken assumption that economic riches will undermine the Tibetans’ Buddhist faith and their devotion to His Holiness the Dalai Lama. The effect of this policy is the marginalization of the Tibetans and Tibetan way of life at an alarming pace. Thus, in Tibet "development" is designed to assimilate Tibet into the Chinese society and culture and to overwhelm Tibetans demographically by transferring large number of Chinese to Tibet.

This deteriorating situation in Tibet and the lack of any movement and progress until recently in the efforts of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to enter into a dialogue with the Chinese government have been deepening the sense of frustration and alienation among Tibetans. Tension, restlessness and bitterness have been on the increase among Tibetans. Critics question the wisdom of the non-violent pursuit of our freedom struggle and of our seeking genuine self-rule instead of independence. The intransigence of the Chinese government on the issue of Tibet and the absence of any effective and concrete support for Tibet by the international community are fuelling radicalism among Tibetans.

Against this gloomy background, we welcome very much the recent positive developments in our relation with the Government of People’s Republic of China. It is creating a breathing space in a tense and volatile situation. Beijing has released several Tibetan prisoners of conscience, including Takna Jigme Sangpo and Ngawang Sangdrol. In September a four-member delegation from Dharamsala visited Beijing and Lhasa among other places and established renewed direct contact with the Chinese Government. Our envoys, Kasur Lodi G. Gyari and Kelsang Gyaltsen, met face- to-face with Mr. Wang Zhaoguo, Vice Chair of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference and Head of the Central United Front Work Department of the Chinese Communist Party and Mr. Li De Zhu, Minister for Nationalities Affairs and Deputy Head of the Central United Front Work Department. Our envoys engaged in frank exchanges of views in Beijing in a very cordial atmosphere.

Our delegation came back with the impression that it is worthwhile to do our best to create a conducive political atmosphere for direct face-to-face meetings on a regular basis in future. This will enable us to dispel distrust and misconceptions and to build mutual confidence and trust. Our envoys have been instructed to make every effort to develop this contact into a process of rapprochement, dialogue and reconciliation. With this spirit immediately on return of our delegation to Dharamsala I have appealed to Tibetans in exile and to our friends throughout the world to cooperate with us and help us in creating a favourable political atmosphere for the continuation of the present contact with the Chinese government. I asked Tibetans and our friends to test the sincerity of Beijing in wanting to engage in an earnest dialogue with us by refraining from staging protests and demonstrations until June 2003.

I wish to take this opportunity to publicly thank my fellow countrymen and women in America and our American and Mexican friends of whom a overwhelming majority has chosen to heed my call and refrained from participating in rallies during the recent visit of President Jiang Zemin to the United States and Mexico. We have been able to demonstrate that the worldwide Tibet movement is able to pull its acts together and to adopt a unified position on vital issues. However, I understand that many people entertain strong doubts about the wisdom of my appeal for restraint. Because many believe and are concerned that the Tibetan leadership is giving a hand to a Chinese public relations exercise aimed merely at deflating and evading international criticism of their abusive policy in Tibet. Nonetheless, irrespective of whether there is a new thinking on the part of the Chinese government or not, I strongly believe that it has been the right thing for us to act in a constructive, responsible, conciliatory and sincere manner. Our strength is truthfulness, sincerity and the spirit of dialogue and reconciliation. The Kashag under my leadership will continue to adhere and uphold these principles. Last but not least, we are retaining the option to redouble our efforts in highlighting the human rights violations in Tibet and in seeking international condemnation of China’s brutal and repressive policies in Tibet, if within the period stipulated it becomes obvious that the Chinese government has no intentions whatsoever to continue the process of rapprochement and dialogue.

However, the recent steps taken by China give us a glimmer of hope. We welcome these new steps. China is changing rapidly and is in transition from the third to fourth generation of leaders. The Chinese Communist Party just concluded its 16th Party Congress. A new generation of Chinese has been appointed to the leadership of the ruling Chinese Communist Party. Next March this change in the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party will also be reflected in the Chinese government. Times of changes are also often times of opportunities. We believe it is of crucial importance now to increase our efforts, with the support and encouragement of the international community, to bring about a positive change in the situation of Tibet.

For a change to take place, China must understand clearly that Europe and the US and others are serious and committed to finding a solution to the issue of Tibet. Without a concerted and effective effort on the part of the international community, it is unlikely that the hard-liners within the new Chinese leadership will consent to entering into any meaningful and serious dialogue with the Tibetans. In China’s foreign policy strategy Europe is assuming a very important position. It is said that the new Chinese leaders see Europe as offering a diplomatic bright spot because they share with the European Union countries an interest in checking American unilateralism. Consequently, they see great prospects for advantage in their relations with Europe. Reflecting this assessment the Chinese leaders seem more disposed to make concessions to human rights concerns emanating from Europe than from America. They see European criticism of China’s human rights record resulting naturally from "cultural differences", while American criticism is considered as an instrument of the US containment strategy towards China. Obviously, Europe and the European Union have a crucial role to play in resolving the Tibet issue. The European Union is ideally suited to champion the peaceful resolution of the Tibetan problem through dialogue and negotiations. The Union has political weight and enjoys high international standing. The European Parliament has called in numerous resolutions for strong and effective actions by the Union to ensure respect for the fundamental rights and freedoms of the Tibetan people and to promote negotiations between His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Chinese government.

However, unfortunately so far the initiatives on Tibet taken by the European Council and Commission have been few and seem to lack a clear and sustained policy. Consequently, in 1998 the European Parliament adopted resolutions calling on the Council and Commission to appoint an EU Special Representative for Tibetan Issues. In 1997 a US Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues was created within the State Department. The creation of this position has provided a focus for engaging with the US Administration on breath of issues ­humanitarian assistance, diplomatic support, multi-lateral strategies, sharing information and, ultimately shaping policy. It has ensured a significant level of attention to Tibet at the highest level of political interaction between the US and China. Most importantly, the Office of the Tibet Coordinator within the US State Department provides the necessary impetus within the US Administration for a consistent US policy in promoting dialogue between His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Chinese government.

The central objective of the EU Special Representative for Tibetan Issues should be to promote substantive dialogue and negotiations between the Government of the People’s Republic of China and His Holiness the Dalai Lama or his representatives. Towards this aim he or she should develop a sustained and effective policy. The EU Special Representative should maintain close contact with leaders of the Tibetan people and make efforts to travel to India, Tibet and to China. The Special Representative should promote the EU policy of pressing for respect for human rights and encouraging the preservation of and respect for the distinct culture, religion, language and identity of Tibet people. The Office of the EU Special Representative should also provide a focus for engaging with Council, Commission, Parliament and the member states’ governments of the Union on a wide range of issues concerning the Tibetan people ­from humanitarian assistance, cultural preservation to information sharing, diplomatic support and multi-lateral strategies to shaping policy.

Watching the world around us we are witnessing how unattended conflicts can erupt in ways that make them virtually impossible to solve. It is in everyone’s interest not to let that happen in Tibet. While a brutal policy of ‘merciless repression’ of the slightest political dissent during the past years seems to have created a situation of superficial quiet in Tibet, it is clearly perceptible to any open-eyed and alerts observer that among Tibetans deep- seated resentment remains pervasive. According to Orville Schell "these resentments could easily lead to yet another overt conflicts" and he is concerned that "should that happen, it might then be too late for the kind of peaceful reconciliation that now offers itself as a real possibility".

Western diplomats and analysts are stating, "Chinese foreign policy is maturing". They observe that the "curious mixture of insecurity and arrogance with which China’s government used to view the world has been replaced by a sense of possibility". China is changing the way it deals with the world. It now sees itself as a major player with the confidence and perspective that comes from that. It is, therefore, of crucial importance that the important actors of the international community ­ such as Europe and the European Union - make it clear to China that a creative, new solution to the long-unsettled issue of Tibet would serve as a very convincing sign that China was changing, maturing and becoming more receptive to assuming a greater role on the global stage as a constructive, reliable and forward-looking power.

I strongly believe that the appointment of an EU Special Representative for Tibetan Issues is a crucial step for a sustained and effective role for the European Union to help Tibet and China to resolve the Tibetan problem peacefully. It will enable the EU not only to help promote a peaceful resolution of the Tibetan issue in a more sustained, creative and effective way but also provide support for the other legitimate needs of the Tibetan people, including ways and means to preserve our distinct identity. This initiative will send the message to Beijing that the European Union is seriously committed in encouraging and promoting a negotiated solution of the Tibetan problem. I have no doubt that the European Union’s commitment to a peaceful and just resolution of the issue of Tibet will definitely impact positively and help create the appropriate conducive political environment for a constructive dialogue on the issue of Tibet.

During this time of deep anxiety over political terrorism, it is important that the international community give strong and effective support to non-violent movements committed to peaceful changes in the spirit of reconciliation and dialogue. A peaceful resolution of the Tibetan issue will not only bring great benefit to Tibet and China and enhance stability and peace in the region but will have great consequences for the global political culture, too. The Tibetan freedom struggle has gained international fame in championing non-violence approach. Consequently, the success or failure of the non-violent freedom struggle of the Tibetan people will directly impact the outcome of international efforts to promote a global political culture of non-violence and dialogue. I thank you for your attention and ask you for your continued support during this critical time of our non-violent freedom struggle.

Professor Samdhong Rinpoche
Kalon Tripa

Brussels, 14th November 2002